A short history of Special Benefit
The Royal Commission on Social Security in
1972 and the report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy in
1988 reinforced the need for Special Benefit provisions within
the Social Security Act for the following reasons:
- Social security is a social
responsibility for the community as a whole.
- Adequate provision for income is a
necessity to ensure that all members of the community can
live with dignity.
- Provision for assistance should be
made where there is a demonstrable need.
- Everybody must be able to participate
in the community with an appropriate level of the
communities resources.
- There must be an ability to provide
relief to an immediate need where a need reasonably exists.
- Children must be protected from
economic restraints beyond their control.
The safety net mechanism that
ensured that all of the above factors were able to be met has
historically been by way of s61G of the Social Security Act,
1964, the provision of a special benefit where individual
circumstances warranted.
Over a period of time restrictions to the
open ended nature of s61G have been imposed by way of
Ministerial Directions promulgated by way of s5 of the Act. The
Ministerial Directions have evolved to meet the financial
restrictions considered appropriate by the particular political
administration of the day BUT the important aspect of a
Ministerial Directive is that the discretion to consider
all of a person’s circumstances has remained inviolate.
Regulated rules remove entirely any
discretionary ability to assist a person whose needs are
genuine. What does this mean …. No matter how genuine the need,
if the rules make no provision the TOUGH. You can guarantee that
it is a physical impossibility to create rules to cover every
genuine contingency hence the historical development of the
unique legal concept applicable to a wide and varied legislative
portfolio of the principle of the application of discretion
power.
It is accepted by reasonably thinking
persons that without restrictions the open ended provisions of
s61G of the Act can lead to an abuse of an appropriate political
approach to the management of social welfare benefits by the
Crown. The Crown has a responsibility regardless of its
political leanings to ensure that it operates to an appropriate
budget that meets the social norms of the day; however, morality
determines that any such direction cannot be at the expense of
the poor and disadvantaged of society.
Under the previous Labour Party Government
the now Minister for Finance, the Rt. Hon. Mr Cullen was the
Minister of Social Welfare. Under his direction the then Social
Welfare Department restricted the ability of a beneficiary to
access a Special Benefit by placing a minimum shortfall of
income of $50.00 or more. In other words if a person was having
financial difficulties of up to $50.00 per week that person was
prevented from accessing a Special Benefit. Such a direction was
draconian and patently unreasonable according to the norms of
the day.
The following National Party Government
made further Ministerial Directive’s that introduced other
limitations and reduced in stages the minimum shortfall amounts
down to $5.00 per week. Limitations such as the type of expenses
that might be considered were not set in stone, as the ability
to employ discretion when considering entitlement to a Special
Benefit remained.
The exercise of discretion was reasonably
limited by an applicant having to demonstrate special or unusual
circumstances before a discretionary benefit could be empowered.
Such a mechanism protects the Crown from an reasonable fiscal
blowout. Where discretion is available and is appropriately
applied any fiscal blowout confirms that the basis on which a
primary benefit is established must be flawed otherwise a fiscal
blowout can not ensue.
During the 1990’s when the National Party
was in power the policy directions of what became the Income
Support Service toward Special Benefit more often than not led
to breaches of the law governing Special Benefit.
Advocacy groups throughout the country
fought a running battle with the ISS and ultimately WINZ, as the
business orientated profile of these organisations was
engineered from a political perspective with a determination to
circumvent the lawful application of the legislation governing
Special Benefit.
In 1993 following a campaign by the author
that lasted for 12 days and nights outside Parliament the then
minister of Social Welfare, Mr Gresham, instructed the ISS to
administer special benefit applications more fairly. Mr Gresham
was replaced as the Social Welfare Minister by Mr Roger Sowry.
The ISS service and ultimately WINZ was soon back into the
previous groove of unlawfully declining Special Benefit
entitlements to thousands of low income workers and
beneficiaries.
In 1994 the National Government sought to
introduce Regulations in place of a discretionary Special
Benefit to permit a rules based approach to providing safety net
assistance to low income workers and beneficiaries. Advocates
throughout the country sought the assistance of the Labour Party
and other opposition parties including the present Prime
Minister, the present Minister of Finance and the present
Minister Mr Steve Maharey, to mount opposition in Parliament to
diffuse the determination of the National Party Government to
remove the discretionary element that Special Benefit provided.
The Labour Party opposition pointed to the
immorality of the National Government’s proposals and assisted
with enough public support to dissuade the National Party from
removing the discretionary factor from the consideration of
Special Benefit assistance.
We now have the situation of the same
political entity that previously opposed the National Party’s
determination to introduce a seriously limited form of safety
net assistance, now passing legislation that is exactly the same
that they opposed just a few short years ago.
Why the change of heart?
In 2000 following an appeal to the Social
Security Appeal Authority a ruling was made by the Authority
that determined WINZ had been unlawfully restricting the
application of the Ministerial Directive on Special Benefit.
The financial implications arising from the
Appeal Authority’s decision on the then social welfare budget of
the National Government were open to a fiscal blow out of huge
proportions. The only reason that there was the probability of a
blow out to the fiscal strategy of the National Government was
because the Government had been unlawfully circumventing low
income workers and beneficiaries entitlement to Special Benefit
over a number of years. In doing so the Government had been
calculating the savings that accrued, as if they had been gained
in a legitimate sense.
It was the old story that suddenly ill
gotten gains had caught up on Government and had to be accounted
for.
The Social Security Appeal Authority
decision that had brought to light the underpayments to low
income workers and beneficiaries was appealed by WINZ to the
High Court but the appeal was eventually dropped by the
Ministry. Effectively the National Government was placed in the
situation of having to face the prospect of paying the piper for
being out of tune.
Before any accountability for the
historical Special Benefit intransigencies was able to take
place the National Government was defeated at the polls and the
present Labour Party administration was elected to Government.
The Labour Party Government inherited the
prospect of having to legally address back dated entitlements of
Special Benefit owed to thousands of low income workers and
beneficiaries while at the same time address present day
entitlements, as the facts and figures derived by advocacy
groups validated that many thousands of low income workers and
beneficiaries were entitled to Special Benefit that was not
being paid to them.
Literally hundreds of millions of dollars
was in the melting pot, which did not paint a rosy picture for
the incoming Labour Party administration. To date there has been
no serious effort by the present Government to seek out those
whom many millions of dollars are historically owed for obvious
reasons.
Since gaining power Minister Steve Maharey
has publicly and privately instructed Ministry of Social
Development officials to ensure that low income workers and
beneficiaries receive their lawful entitlement to benefits
including Special Benefit.
Working parties on Special Benefit at
Ministry level were initiated including participation by
beneficiary advocacy group advocates. Advocacy groups have also
participated as an advisory committee to the Chief Executive of
the Ministry of Social Development on social welfare issues and
legislation since the election of the present Labour Government.
Participation has taken place on agreed levels of
confidentiality and has covered many aspects of the workings of
WINZ and the amendment to social welfare legislation generally.
Advocates agree that as a result of these interactions that
social welfare administration has improved dramatically but
eventually at the cost of the most disadvantaged who require the
protection of the discretionary powers of Special Benefit
considerations.
At no time were the members of the advocacy
advisory groups and working parties made aware of the
determination by the Labour Government to get rid of the
discretionary powers within Special Benefit by legislating
Special Benefit out of existence.
Despite the public admonition of the
Minister to ensure that full entitlement to Special Benefit took
place the Ministry has failed to proactively employ the
information available to it by way of its own computer systems
to ensure that Special Benefit entitlements are dispensed where
entitlement exists. The Minister has been made aware by the
advocacy groups of the lack of commitment by his Ministry but
this has not resulted in a change of attitude at Ministry level
toward Special Benefit dispensation.
Advocacy groups have been able to break
down the WINZ computer statistics to demonstrate the number of
persons held on WINZ files who qualify for Special Benefit
assistance, the WINZ offices in which the files are located, the
ethnic groups that applicants come within and the percentage of
beneficiaries who are presently being underpaid.
In desperation advocacy groups have had to
conduct benefit impacts outside WINZ offices inviting the public
to seek the assistance of advocates to apply for Special
Benefit. On each occasion the public response has been dramatic
yet still Ministry officials have dragged the chain. These
Special Benefit impacts have been limited by the resources
available to the advocacy groups.
A recent classic example of Ministry
obfuscation toward ensuring entitlement to Special Benefit is
the most recent Ministerial Directive on Special Benefit.
Ministry officials advised advocates in
November 2004 that the cost of purchasing a washing machine or
refrigerator, which is considered an essential item in the
Ministerial Directive on Special Benefit, would no longer be
allowed when an applicant was using an advance of benefit to
meet this cost. An advance of benefit is essentially a person in
desperate straights resourcing their own future earnings to
purchase an essential item. It saves the Government an untold
amount of money in supporting hire purchase agreements that have
an interest quotient.
Over the years the policy of the Ministry
toward these advances of benefit has been to consistently deny
the inclusion of advances of benefit that have been used to
purchase a refrigerator or washing machine in Special Benefit
calculations. The statement that this cost would no longer be
allowed became a cynical joke in itself given the historical
policy of excluding this form of cost.
This despite the fact the Ministerial
Directive clearly provided for such an inclusion. Whenever WINZ
was challenged at an individual level that an advance for a
washing machine or refrigerator should be included in Special
Benefit calculations WINZ would submit to the challenge and
include the calculation however unless an individual knew that
the policy was unlawful WINZ obviously would not be challenged.
WINZ was winning a numbers game to advantage WINZ contrary to
the lawful obligations of WINZ toward individual Special Benefit
applicants.
The reasoning given by Ministry officials
for changing the Ministerial Directive to outlaw the inclusion
of advances of benefit, as a calculated cost toward entitlement
was: -
“A confession that the law had to be
changed to bring the law into conformity to departmental
policy”.
Departmental policy is a reflection of the
determination of the political entity of the day. Rules based
Regulations providing safety net assistance will be at the mercy
of the political direction of any present or future Government
administration in exactly the same manner as the above example
and not to toward the needs of the individual.
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